Alfonso Munera is the author of El fracaso de la nación – Región, clase y raza en el Caribe colombiano ( avg rating, 1 rating, 0 reviews) and Empresa. El fracaso de la nación abordó por primera vez en la historia de Americana Latina la participación de los afrodecendientes en la contruccion de la nación. by . El Fracaso de La Nacion by Alfonso Munera, , available at Book Depository with free delivery worldwide.

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Race, thus, is a shared experience of exclusion and mistreatment, not a biological reality.

Think of the case of the Hutus and Tutsis in Rwanda as a prime example. At this point, then, the story of how elites constructed tropes of racial harmony and how Afro-Brazilians were able to fight back the hegemonic ideology of a racial democracy that de-legitimized their efforts to organize is well told. It is how biology is interpreted, categorized, and hierarchized.

Purchase Subscription prices and ordering Short-term Access To purchase short term access, please sign in to your Oxford Academic account above. The State of the Art: Only very recently have social scientists begun to tackle these issues.

Anybody trying to explain Latin American or Caribbean social and racial hierarchies to North Americans knows this from experience. However, as time went by and the poor, the excluded, and ethnic minorities started to organize for change by challenging these stories, sometimes threatening to overcome their internal divisions and joining together under one, big social movement, most Latin American elites saw the dangers in such an alliance and called on the military to avoid any such radical social changes that could topple them from power.

For the historically excluded, it was a decade of re-democratization and increased organization and successful mobilization, so that finally, in the s, we were able to witness changes in the social hierarchies and associated power structures of some Latin American countries.

Because census information is like ammunition. Even the pretty strong negritude movement around such authors as Aime Cesaire was not able to effectively challenge this monoculturalism, probably because negritude has remained a literary movement and as such never truly threatened white economic and political supremacy, nor did it challenge the state. From my reading of such authors as Charles Taylor 12 and Will Kymlicka 13multiculturalism stands for different groups living together under one one nation, where the cultural particularities of each one receives equal respect and treatment from the government and the different citizens.


After moving to the US, I thus focused my academic work on the question ‘how to achieve democracy and development’ which to me automatically meant: The only exceptions come from places where there was a rather late migration of West Indians into the nation, as in Panama, Honduras, Costa Rica, and the Nicaraguan Caribbean cost.

Without such recognition, there can be no multiculturalism. Introduction In this talk, I will share some thoughts and questions I have formulated for myself over the past years in my role as a researcher and scholar.

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The choices that emerging national elites have are relatively few. In all of this, whiteness is not a biological certainty, but a symbolic capital carefully constructed and negotiated in daily interactions.

To the best of my knowledge, none of these two preconditions hold in the Caribbean.

However, discrimination creates solidarity and brings people together that otherwise would have nothing in common, thus fracsso “racial solidarity” which has been and can still easily be used as a way for political mobilization. Some of these elites went so far as to adopt indigenous names as in Mexicobut they hardly ever seemed to associate with indigenous people, nor did they speak their languages.

Thus even in Haiti colorism informs merit, beauty, and political power. It is only now that the age-old “social question” is taking center stage among Latin American political leaders and it is not so much because they want to do that, but rather because they receive massive pressure from below.

Onda Negra Medo Branco.

El Fracaso de La Nacion : Region, Clase y Raza En El Caribe Colombiano (1717-1821)

But as time went on, it became clear that this was after all only a story, propagated by powerful state elites who seemed to spare no effort in proclaiming equality while constantly enacting inequality. The story how Jamaican brown nationalism was constructed, by whom, and with what means, however, remains to be told and explained.

In all this time, I rather worked or studied issue of democracy, democratic participation, and what is often called “problems of development.

Making Race and Nation. Precisley due to a very pervasive framing of “one nation, undivided” the legitimacy for groupness has been severly undermined almost everywhere in Latin America and the Caribbean. The notion of republic opens possibilities of critical thought regarding history, social sciences, humanities, law, and art, and simultaneously leads to responsible and pertinent discussions in the public field.


Services on Demand Article. Before a thorough dismantling of such foundational myths of racial harmony is achieved, multiculturalism, i.

Alfonso Munera (Author of El fracaso de la nación – Región, clase y raza en el Caribe colombiano)

Look at the history of the Jews in Europe or the Japanese Burakumin for examples on how “races” are made through discrimination. If the strong are sufficient in number, or sufficiently armed, we end up getting typical white-dominated planter societies, based on racial regimes where the white inheritors of colonial rule control all of the social, economical, political, and even cultural life of a country. In others, elites are able to diffuse potential opposition of the masses by disseminating ideologies of amalgamation and mestizo nations.

For whatever reason, research on nationalism, multiculturalism, and cultural rights in the Caribbean is scarce and where it exists, it does not reach a broader audience, maybe because other problems seem more important. The s was thus not a lost decade for everybody. How to cite this article. Her work, just like most of the work on this topic, relies on the groundbreaking research of Benedict Anderson 15 and Eric Hobsbawm This is the biggest fear of many elites in most the Caribbean basin – even those where “whiteness” is not a biogical reality at all and almost nobody can claim it.

For those same elites did not seem comfortable when identified as mixed and half-black or half-indigenous themselves.

El fracaso de la nación : región, clase y raza en el Caribe colombiano…

Other, similar, stories are struggling to reach the surface of national and international attention, thanks to the pioneering work of such scholars as Peter Wade 5 and Aleandro de la Fuente, 6 whose work focuses on race and nationalism in Cuba. This leads me to the second, and final, part of my talk. The central question that political elites face after independence is with whom to ally and against whom.

Frqcaso ordering life around the doctrine “the whiter the better” political elites munea able to weaken potential power contenders, breaking them apart. If Colombian elites tomorrow decide to systematically discriminate against all those people with big noses, then the people with big noses will eventually become a race and self-identify as such.